Bandura’s Bobo Doll Experiment on Social Learning

During the 1960s, Albert Bandura conducted a series of experiments on observational learning, collectively known as the Bobo doll experiments. Two of the experiments are described below:

Aim

Bandura (1961) conducted a controlled experiment study to investigate if social behaviors (i.e., aggression) can be acquired by observation and imitation.

The study also aimed to examine if children were more likely to imitate a same-sex model and whether boys would display more aggression than girls if exposed to aggressive modeling.

Sample

The experiment involved 72 children (36 boys and 36 girls), ages roughly 3 to 6 years old, enrolled at the Stanford University Nursery School

The researchers pre-tested the children for how aggressive they were by observing the children in the nursery and judged their aggressive behavior on four 5-point rating scales.

It was then possible to match the children in each group so that they had similar levels of aggression in their everyday behavior. The experiment is, therefore, an example of a matched pairs design.

To test the inter-rater reliability of the observers, 51 of the children were rated by two observers independently, and their ratings were compared.

These ratings showed a very high-reliability correlation (r = 0.89), which suggested that the observers had a good agreement about the behavior of the children.

Method

Design

The Bobo doll experiment was a laboratory experiment with an independent groups design (each child experienced one of the conditions: aggressive model, non-aggressive model, or control).

The independent variable (IV) was the type of model behavior the child observed (aggressive, non-aggressive, or none), with sub-variations of the model’s gender.

• Aggressive model is shown to 24 children
• Non-aggressive model is shown to 24 children
• No model is shown (control condition) – 24 children

The dependent variable (DV) was the amount of aggressive behavior shown by the child in the subsequent test situation, measured through observational counts of specific actions and remarks.

Stage 1: Modeling

In the experimental conditions, children were individually shown into a room containing toys and played with some potato prints and pictures in a corner for 10 mindutes.

Children were randomly assigned to one of three experimental groups (24 children per condition):

1. Aggressive Model Condition:

Each child individually observed an adult model (either a man or a woman) behave aggressively toward a large inflatable Bobo doll.

In a room set up for play, the model first played quietly with tinker toys for about a minute, then proceeded to physically and verbally attack the Bobo doll for the remaining time.

The model’s aggressive repertoire included novel actions like punching the doll, hitting it with a mallet, tossing it, and kicking it, accompanied by distinctive aggressive phrases (e.g., “Sock him in the nose,” “Hit him down,” “Kick him,” and “Pow!”) which were not common playground behavior

This modeling session lasted about 10 minutes

3. Control Condition:

The child had no adult model to observe.

There was no pre-play modeling session in this group – the child did not see any adult behavior with the Bobo doll (thus providing a baseline for typical behavior without modeling).

Stage 2: Aggression Arousal

After the modeling phase (or equivalent time in control), each child was subjected to a mild frustration intended to provoke arousal.

Each child was (separately) taken to a room with relatively attractive toys, e.g. a fire engine, doll set.

As soon as the child started to play with the toys, the experimenter told the child that these were the experimenter’s very best toys and she had decided to reserve them for the other children.

This step was included to make sure even typically calm children had some reason to feel frustrated.

Earlier research had shown that if children weren’t frustrated at all, simply watching aggression might not lead them to act aggressively themselves.

Stage 3: Test for Delayed Imitation

Finally, the child was taken into a third room that contained a variety of both aggressive and non-aggressive toys

Aggressive toys included the Bobo doll (identical to the one the model used), a mallet, and even a toy gun; non-aggressive toys included dolls, tea sets, crayons, three bears and plastic farm animals.

The child was then left to play freely for 20 minutes in this room.

During this period, researchers observed the child’s behavior through a one-way mirror, making systematic records.

Observations were made at 5-second intervals, therefore, giving 240 response units for each child.

The experimenter remained in the room during the play period but occupied themselves in a corner, avoiding interaction with the child, to ensure the child felt free to behave naturally

Results

Imitative Aggression:

• Children who watched an aggressive adult were significantly more likely to imitate aggressive behavior (both physically and verbally).

• Children who saw a calm adult or no adult showed almost no aggressive imitation.

• About 70% of children in the non-aggressive or control groups showed no imitative aggression at all, while many who observed aggression copied specific actions like hitting the doll and repeating aggressive phrases (e.g., “Sock him!”).

General Aggression Levels:

• Exposure to aggressive models didn’t just encourage copying; it increased overall aggression, including new aggressive acts not shown by the model.

• Children who saw aggressive adults were less inhibited and more likely to show creative forms of aggression (e.g., pretending to shoot the doll with a toy gun).

• Example: Girls who watched the aggressive adult averaged 18 aggressive acts (like hitting with a mallet), compared to almost none (0.5 average) for those who saw a calm adult.

Gender Differences:

• Boys were generally more likely to imitate physical aggression than girls, especially when the model was male.

• Girls showed more physical aggression when watching a male model but were more verbally aggressive after watching a female model.

• Boys and girls were both more strongly influenced by male models overall, likely due to societal views of aggression as a “masculine” behavior at the time.

Qualitative Observations:

• Children closely copied the language used by aggressive adults (e.g., shouting “Pow!” and “Sock him!”).

• Children’s comments revealed that they actively processed what they saw. For example:

  • Aggression by a female adult was criticized by children as inappropriate (“Ladies shouldn’t behave that way”).

  • Aggression by a male adult was often praised (“He’s strong like Daddy!”).

• These observations show that social expectations (such as gender norms) played a significant role in how children interpreted and copied aggression.

Conclusion

Bobo doll experiment demonstrated that children are able to learn social behavior such as aggression through the process of observation learning, through watching the behavior of another person.

The researchers noted that this directly challenges the strict behaviorist view that behavior must be reinforced to be learned.

Instead, the human capacity for observational learning means new responses (like novel aggressive acts) can be learned in the absence of reinforcements to the child.

A further implication of the study’s conclusion is a refutation of the catharsis hypothesis.

Rather than reducing aggression, watching violence tended to increase aggressive behavior in children.

This suggested that exposure to aggression (in real life or possibly in media) is not a harmless outlet but can serve as a positive model that children incorporate into their own actions.

The experiment highlighted the important influence of role models, such as parents, peers, and TV characters, who can significantly shape children’s behaviors and attitudes.

Bandura used these conclusions to advocate that aggression (and other social behaviors) can be learned observationally, laying the groundwork for his broader Social Learning Theory.

Strengths

1. Experimental Control:

One significant strength of Bandura’s Bobo doll study was its high level of experimental control.

The study was a controlled laboratory experiment with a standardized procedure.

 Each child experienced exactly the same environment, toys, timing, and scripted behaviors from the adult model, differing only in whether the model showed aggressive or non-aggressive behavior.

Researchers also matched children beforehand on their existing levels of aggression, reducing differences between the groups that could have skewed the results.

Because of this rigorous control, we can confidently say that differences in aggression were due specifically to whether the children observed aggressive or non-aggressive behavior.

This clearly supports a cause-and-effect relationship, strengthening the validity of Bandura’s conclusion that observing aggression leads to increased aggression.

2. Reliability and Replicability:

Bandura’s procedures were highly replicable.

The study was designed in a structured way, clearly outlining procedures and behaviors to be observed.

Multiple researchers independently observed and scored the children’s behavior, achieving high inter-observer reliability, indicating consistent measurement.

Because the experiment was carefully documented and structured, other researchers have been able to repeat aspects of it.

Bandura himself repeated similar studies in 1963 and 1965, finding consistent results each time.

3. Rich Data (Quantitative and Qualitative):

Bandura’s study benefited from collecting rich, detailed data – both quantitative and qualitative.

The study gathered quantitative data (counts of aggressive acts) that allowed for statistical comparison between groups.

Such data provided objective evidence for the hypotheses.

Bandura recorded qualitative observations (children’s remarks and nuanced behaviors), which enriched the findings by illustrating the children’s thought processes and social understanding (e.g., comments on the female model).

This combination of structured numerical data with anecdotal evidence gave a more comprehensive picture of the phenomena.

The quantitative results showed clear patterns and significance, while the qualitative notes helped interpret those patterns (for instance, explaining why girls might not imitate a female aggressor).

4. Novelty and Theoretical Impact:

A particularly strong point of Bandura’s research is its groundbreaking nature and theoretical significance.

Before this experiment, psychologists widely believed behaviors needed direct reinforcement—such as rewards or punishments – to be learned.

Bandura’s study challenged this assumption, clearly showing that children could learn aggressive behaviors simply by observing others, with no direct reinforcement involved.

This had major theoretical and practical implications, fundamentally changing how psychologists understood learning and aggression.

It laid the foundation for Social Learning Theory, influencing parenting, education, and discussions about media violence, thus demonstrating how significant and broadly relevant Bandura’s findings are to psychology and society.

5. Usefulness of Research (Practical Applications)

A significant strength of Bandura’s Bobo doll experiment is its practical usefulness, with extensive real-world applications.

Bandura’s findings highlight the powerful role adults and media figures play as role models for children.

Advice to parents often includes behaving in the way you want your child to behave (since children are watching and learning).

In education, teachers and mentoring programs use the power of modeling to encourage prosocial behavior.

The study’s usefulness is also seen in therapy and interventions: for example, techniques in behavior therapy use modeling (called participant modeling) to help children overcome fears or build social skills, proving that observational learning can be harnessed for positive outcomes as well.

Additionally, Bandura’s research significantly shaped public understanding of media violence, sparking ongoing debates and leading to regulatory policies, such as content ratings and parental guidance warnings.

Limitations

1. Artificial Setting (Ecological Validity)

2. Limited Sample Diversity:

Another weakness is that Bandura’s sample was not diverse enough, limiting how widely the results apply.

The participants were all young children from one nursery school at Stanford University, primarily from middle-class and white backgrounds.

Because of this narrow demographic, the findings might not reflect how children from different cultures, socio-economic backgrounds, or age groups would respond to observing aggression.

For example, children raised in environments where aggression is handled differently or where modeling from adults follows other norms might react differently.

The experiment also only looked at ages 3–6; it cannot tell us directly about older children, teenagers, or adults.

This lack of diversity weakens population validity, making it uncertain whether similar results would be found among children raised differently or in different cultural contexts.

Thus, while insightful, Bandura’s conclusions about aggression and observational learning may not fully represent all children’s experiences or behaviors.

3. Short-Term and Narrow Measure of Aggression

The study measured only short-term aggressive behaviors directed at a doll, providing a limited view of aggression.

The Bobo doll experiment only measured immediate imitation in the minutes following exposure.

It’s unclear whether the observed behavior was a transient effect or if the children retained and carried forth these aggressive tendencies long-term,

The study did not do any follow-up to see if, say, the next day or week the children who observed aggression were more likely to be aggressive in nursery play.

Thus, one limitation is the short-term focus – we cannot be sure if observational learning of aggression has a lasting impact from this study alone.

Moreover, the operational definition of “aggression” in this experiment was hitting and verbal assault on a doll.

While these are aggressive behaviors, they are relatively low-stakes (no one is actually harmed). It is a leap to assume that children would equally aggress against a real person.

Some critics argue that hitting a clown doll might have been perceived as a permissible game, whereas real aggression toward a peer might still be inhibited.

Therefore, the construct validity of the aggression measure can be questioned – does Bobo doll play truly indicate a child’s aggression, or just playfulness in a novel situation?

Bandura attempted to address this by even exploring a scenario (in later research) where a live clown was the target, to show children would hit a live target too, but the core 1961 study’s measures remain limited to the doll and toy context.

4. Potential Observer Bias

There was potential for observer bias, as the researchers observing the children’s behavior knew the studies aims and which condition the child had been in.

Observers were aware of which condition each child was in (aggressive or non-aggressive).

This could introduce observer bias – observers might (even unconsciously) interpret borderline or unclear actions as aggressive for children who had witnessed aggression.

Although Bandura used clear behavioral categories and multiple observers to reduce this risk, the possibility of subtle bias remained.

Observer bias could have exaggerated differences between groups, slightly weakening confidence in the results.

Ideally, observers should not know participants’ conditions to ensure completely unbiased measurements, which is now standard practice in psychological research.

5. Influence of Novelty (Familiarity with the Bobo Doll)

Cumberbatch (1990) found that the novelty of the Bobo doll influenced children’s likelihood of imitating aggressive behavior, indicating a weakness in Bandura’s experiment.

Specifically, he observed that children who had never played with a Bobo doll before were five times more likely to imitate aggression than those who were familiar with it.

According to Cumberbatch, the doll’s novelty increased the children’s curiosity, prompting them to mimic the adult’s aggressive actions simply because the situation and the object were new and intriguing.

This suggests Bandura’s findings might be partly due to the novelty of the toy rather than true learned aggression, questioning the validity of his conclusions about observational learning.

As a result, the practical relevance of the findings could be limited, as children might not react the same way to aggression in more familiar, everyday contexts.

Ethical Issues

Conducted in 1961, the study predates modern ethics codes and thus raises several ethical concerns by today’s standards.

Protection from harm is a major issue:

Children in the aggressive-model condition were exposed to quite violent behavior by an adult.

Some children were reportedly distressed or confused by witnessing the adult’s aggression.

There is the risk that learning aggression could have had a lasting negative effect on the children – participants are supposed to leave an experiment in “the same state they entered it,” which may not have been the case here.

Encouraging children to act aggressively (even toward a doll) could be seen as “normalizing” unhelpful behaviors that might persist beyond the study.

Informed consent and assent:

The preschool children could not give informed consent themselves.

Bandura did obtain informed consent from the nursery school and presumably from parents (known as presumptive consent), but the children themselves had no say in participation.

 They were not fully informed about the purpose of the study (which might have been beyond their capacity to understand at that age).

Also, the children were not explicitly debriefed afterward in a way that they could understand – e.g. there’s no indication that an experimenter explained to them that the aggressive behavior they saw was “pretend” or discouraged them from imitating it outside the study.

Without debriefing, children might have left with the impression that such aggression is acceptable, which is ethically concerning.

Right to withdraw:

It’s not clear that the young children knew they could withdraw from the study.

Reports suggest that at least one child wanted to stop upon being upset by the aggressive model (remarking that the behavior was wrong), but generally the experiment was structured such that the child was led from one stage to the next without a clear option to leave.

This raises concerns about whether participants could quit if they felt uncomfortable – an aspect of ethical treatment.

Bandura argued that the benefits to society outweighed the risks to the children.

The study did yield important insights about learning and has been influential in understanding and reducing real-world aggression.

Nonetheless, by modern ethical standards, exposing children to aggression deliberately and possibly inducing aggressive behavior in them is problematic.

Researchers today would likely mitigate these issues – for example, by thorough debriefing (explaining to children with parents that the violence was pretend and not desirable behavior) and ensuring any distressed child could be comforted or removed.

Vicarious Reinforcement Bobo Doll Study

An observer’s behavior can also be affected by the positive or negative consequences of a model’s behavior.

So we not only watch what people do, but we watch what happens when they do things.

This is known as vicarious reinforcement. We are more likely to imitate behavior that is rewarded and refrain from behavior that is punished.

Bandura (1965) used a similar experimental set up to the one outlined above to test vicarious reinforcement.

The experiment had different consequences for the model’s aggression to the three groups of children.

One group saw the model’s aggression being rewarded (being given sweets and a drink for a “championship performance,” another group saw the model being punished for the aggression (scolded), and the third group saw no specific consequences (control condition).

When allowed to enter the playroom, children in the reward and control conditions imitated more aggressive actions of the model than did the children in the punishment condition.

The children in the model punished group had learned the aggression by observational learning, but did not imitate it because they expected negative consequences.

Reinforcement gained by watching another person is known as vicarious reinforcement.

Bandura, A. (1965). Influence of models” reinforcement contingencies on the acquisition of imitative responses. Journal of personality and social psychology, 1(6), 589.

Bandura, A., Ross, D. & Ross, S.A. (1961). Transmission of aggression through imitation of aggressive models.  Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575-82.

Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Imitation of film-mediated aggressive models. The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 66(1), 3.

Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.