Transnational Corporations (TNCs)

Transnational corporations (TNCs) are large capitalist companies that operate in many countries but manage their operations from a central headquarters. They produce goods, deliver services, and invest across borders, shaping economies, cultures, and policies worldwide. They bring jobs and technology, but also raise concerns about inequality, exploitation, and environmental impact.

Key Takeaways

  • Definition: Transnational corporations (TNCs) are large companies that operate in multiple countries but are directed from a central headquarters. They extend production, services, and investments across national borders.
  • Examples: Well-known TNCs include Apple, Coca-Cola, and Toyota. These companies shape global markets by producing and selling goods worldwide.
  • Benefits: TNCs can boost host economies through job creation, technology transfer, and improved infrastructure. They often bring investment and innovation to developing regions.
  • Criticisms: TNCs face criticism for exploiting workers, avoiding taxes, and damaging the environment. Their size and influence can challenge local governments and regulations.
  • Globalization: TNCs are central drivers of globalization. They connect economies and cultures but also raise questions about fairness, sustainability, and national control.
  • Evidence: A meta-analysis of 108 studies finds foreign investment raises growth, but the benefit depends on a host country’s trade openness and financial system.
 

Top-10 consumer companies. Big corporations of food and drink products. Coca-Cola, Pepsi, Nestle, Unilever, Danone, Mondelez, Mars, Kellogg

Definition & Basics

Transnational corporation is a term used to describe capitalist firms that conduct their business on a global scale. This concept replaced multi-national companies because it was viewed as a more accurate description of these companies.

Aided by the information technology revolution, TNCs operate in a global marketplace. They shift resources and people to wherever profit is greatest.

A TNC may spread its divisions across regions to exploit their distinct advantages. For example, it might use cheaper labour in one country, specialist expertise in another, and lucrative consumer markets in a third.

Firms have traded and produced across borders for centuries. Chartered companies such as the British and Dutch East India Companies combined commercial and quasi-governmental power long before the term existed (McLean, 2004).

The modern wave followed the Second World War. U.S. firms led outward investment first, and European and Japanese firms followed from the 1970s (Dicken, 2015).

Key Characteristics

  • International Operations: TNCs have headquarters in one country but run factories, offices, or subsidiaries in many others.

  • Hierarchical Structure: A central headquarters directs global strategy and finance, while regional subsidiaries manage local operations.

  • Global Supply Chains: They source raw materials, components, and labor from different countries to minimize costs and maximize efficiency.

  • Financial and Economic Power: Many TNCs have revenues larger than the GDP of entire nations, giving them major influence over markets and trade.

  • Standardized Branding: Their products and services are marketed worldwide, creating powerful global brands that transcend cultural boundaries.

Types of Transnational Corporations

TNCs do not all manage their foreign operations the same way. Perlmutter (1969/2017) distinguished three management orientations.

  • Ethnocentric: A home-country headquarters sets and implements policy. Subsidiaries act as extensions of the parent company, with practices kept as uniform as possible.
  • Polycentric: Headquarters sets only broad guidelines. Local managers in each host country run daily affairs according to local custom, language, and market conditions.
  • Geocentric: Management is organised on a worldwide basis. Systems are integrated globally, and senior managers move between countries as business needs dictate.

The typology treats the TNC as a variable organisational choice, not one uniform entity. That choice shapes how much autonomy and bargaining power a subsidiary’s workforce and host government hold relative to the parent firm.

Examples 

Technology

  • Apple: Often cited as a model TNC, Apple designs products in the United States, sources components globally, and assembles them in other countries to cut costs. This global network allows it to dominate the consumer electronics and technology industries.

  • Microsoft: A leader in software and computer technology, Microsoft reflects the postindustrial, information-driven economy. Its founder, Bill Gates, is often used as an example of entrepreneurial wealth in the modern era.

  • Google: Known for its innovative culture, Google has transformed workplace practices in the tech sector. It remains the dominant player in internet search and online advertising worldwide.

  • Sony: This Japanese corporation operates on a global basis and is a major force in consumer electronics, gaming, and entertainment, with products recognized across international markets.

Retail and Apparel

  • Walmart: One of the largest companies in the world, Walmart has revenues that surpass the GDP of smaller nations. It dominates global retail but has also been criticized for using suppliers with poor working conditions.

  • Nike and Reebok: These corporations manage decentralized production networks in lower-wage countries. By outsourcing manufacturing, they maintain global dominance in athletic footwear and apparel.

Automotive Industry

  • General Motors and Ford: These U.S.-based firms illustrate capital flight, the movement of jobs and production from domestic factories to lower-cost countries. Their global sales volumes rival the economic output of many nations.

  • Toyota: A major Japanese competitor, Toyota has maintained stable sales even during global recessions. It is one of the most influential car manufacturers in the world market.

Energy and Conglomerates

  • ExxonMobil: One of the world’s largest energy corporations, ExxonMobil’s revenues rival the GDPs of entire nations. Its economic reach gives it significant influence in global markets.

  • BP (British Petroleum): Known for its role in the 2010 oil spill, BP illustrates how corporate decisions can have severe environmental consequences. It remains a major player in the global energy sector.

Food and Beverage

  • Coca-Cola: Recognized in over 200 countries, Coca-Cola is a symbol of globalization. Its brand and products have shaped consumer culture and tastes worldwide.

  • McDonald’s: More than a fast-food chain, McDonald’s represents the spread of efficiency, predictability, and control. Its standardized model has influenced business practices across industries.

Economic Role

Outsourcing and Deindustrialisation

Outsourcing is one of the most common TNC strategies. It means shifting jobs or services to countries where labor costs are significantly lower.

For example, U.S. auto manufacturers such as Ford and GM closed factories in Michigan and opened new plants in Mexico to reduce production costs.

This movement of jobs and resources, known as capital flight, contributes to deindustrialisation in high-income nations.

Factories shut down. Unionised, blue-collar jobs are lost, leading to unemployment, weakened labor movements, and economic decline in former industrial regions.

Exploitation of Labour

TNCs are central to the New International Division of Labour, which describes how production is moved to low-income nations with weaker regulations.

Corporations can maximise profits by locating where wages, hours, and working conditions face few restrictions. Workers often pay the price.

For example, Nike and Reebok have been criticised for relying on sweatshops in Asia, where employees endure long hours, unsafe conditions, and very low pay.

While these jobs provide some economic opportunities, critics argue they reinforce dependency and exploitation.

The idea that TNCs relocate production to low-wage economies comes from a specific theory. Fröbel, Heinrichs, and Kreye (1978) gave the pattern its name.

  • Aim: To explain why manufacturing was moving from established industrial countries to developing ones. They argued this was a new pattern, not a continuation of colonial raw-material trade.
  • Method: They analysed post-war changes in production technology, transport, and communications. They traced where TNCs sited new factories, especially in export-processing and free-trade zones.
  • Results: Splitting production into standardised, low-skill tasks, plus cheaper transport and communications, made relocating whole manufacturing segments profitable. Design, finance, and marketing stayed in the industrial core.
  • Conclusion: Profit-seeking location decisions by transnational capital, not development policy, drive the pattern. It creates low-wage manufacturing jobs in developing countries and deindustrialisation in the countries factories leave.

The theory anticipated the export-processing-zone boom that followed. Its limit is that some former peripheral sites have since industrialised and upgraded, which it did not foresee (Gereffi, 1994).

Global Production Networks

TNCs operate through global assembly lines and commodity chains that span multiple nations.

Different stages of production are fragmented and located where they are most profitable. Design may occur in the United States and components are manufactured in peripheral nations such as China or Vietnam.

Assembly may be completed in another country like Mexico. Sales then target wealthy consumer markets in Europe or North America (Dicken, 2015).

Apple is a prime example, coordinating a vast supply chain where each stage takes place in a different region.

This model reduces costs, increases efficiency, and enables global dominance in key industries.

Gereffi (1994) distinguished two logics behind these networks.

  • Producer-driven chains: Large manufacturers coordinate suppliers and assemblers themselves. Typical of capital-intensive industries such as automobiles and electronics, and Apple’s model.
  • Buyer-driven chains: Large retailers and brand marketers, such as Nike or Walmart, own no factories. They specify what independent overseas contractors produce, at what price, and by when.

The distinction matters for accountability. A buyer-driven brand can more easily disclaim responsibility for conditions inside a supplier’s factory than a manufacturer that owns its plants.

Influence on Inequality

Sociological perspectives emphasize the unequal impacts of TNCs. Dependency Theory argues that TNCs extract resources and labor from peripheral nations, then transfer profits back to headquarters in core nations, keeping poorer countries dependent and underdeveloped.

World Systems Theory similarly describes how TNCs help maintain global stratification by concentrating wealth in core countries (Wallerstein, 1974).

Maquiladora plants in Mexico show the pattern. They assemble goods for U.S. companies using low-wage labor, while profits flow north.

From a conflict theory perspective, this system systematically produces and reproduces inequality across the globe.

Wallerstein’s world-systems theory gives this argument its formal structure.

  • Aim: To explain persistent global inequality as the product of one integrated capitalist world-economy, forming since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, not separate national development stories.
  • Method: A historical-comparative synthesis, not a quantitative study. Wallerstein traced long-distance trade in staple goods, European financial and manufacturing centres, and commodity-exporting regions.
  • Results: He classified regions as core (diversified, high-wage, dominating manufacturing and finance), periphery (commodity exporters, low-wage labour), or semi-periphery (features of both, able to shift position).
  • Conclusion: Inequality is a structural feature of one interconnected system, reproduced by the everyday commercial decisions of TNCs. Developing countries will not simply grow out of it.

The semi-periphery category explains how countries such as South Korea and Taiwan can move up the hierarchy. A weakness is that the theory derives too much from economic position, understating domestic politics, state capacity, and policy choice (Gereffi, 1994).

Economic Power

Many TNCs are so large that they rival or even surpass the economies of nation-states.

Walmart, ExxonMobil, and General Electric have reported revenues greater than the GDP of entire countries such as New Zealand or Egypt.

Their financial power lets them dominate markets. It also lets them shape trade flows and investment patterns.

As such, TNCs are not just economic actors: they are global institutions capable of influencing international development, migration, and even state sovereignty.

Political and Legal Influence

With their vast resources, TNCs exert enormous influence over governments and international bodies.

They can lobby for favorable trade agreements, push for lower corporate tax rates, and discourage the enforcement of regulations that would cut into profits.

Regulation is fragmented. No single body of binding international law governs a firm that operates across dozens of jurisdictions. TNCs are therefore drawn into rule-setting once reserved for states, through voluntary codes of conduct and industry self-regulation (Scherer et al., 2006).

Theorists disagree on what this means. Some see private actors filling a regulatory gap. Others see an attempt to pre-empt binding public regulation with softer private substitutes.

Critics argue that TNCs can relocate capital across borders. Workers and governments cannot. This gives TNCs bargaining leverage and makes a competitive “race to the bottom” on labour and environmental standards more likely than mainstream trade theory assumes (Crotty et al., 1998).

For example, BP’s role in the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill revealed how cost-cutting decisions and regulatory failures can produce devastating environmental consequences.

TNCs are also implicated in corporate crimes such as tax evasion, price-fixing, and violating health and safety laws.

Such crimes carry serious social and economic costs. Yet they often receive lighter punishments than conventional street crimes. This highlights the imbalance of power between corporations and the state.

Advantages

From a functionalist perspective, TNCs can be seen as beneficial institutions that contribute to the health and stability of societies by expanding economies and improving opportunities for workers.

Similarly, modernisation theory suggests that TNCs help developing nations achieve economic growth by providing resources, jobs, and knowledge that accelerate development.

Job Creation and Economic Expansion

  • Direct Employment: TNCs often establish factories, offices, or service centres in host nations, creating thousands of jobs. Examples include maquiladoras in Mexico and call centres in India. For countries with high unemployment or large informal economies, this employment can be vital.
  • Economic Growth: By paying wages and sourcing local goods and services, TNCs inject capital into host economies. This money circulates through communities, raising living standards and stimulating demand in other sectors.
  • Market Integration: By linking host countries to international markets as both producers and consumers, TNCs provide local businesses with access to global trade opportunities and expand the reach of domestic industries.
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Technology and Skills Transfer

  • Introduction of New Technology: TNCs often bring advanced machinery, systems, and industrial processes that would otherwise be out of reach for developing nations. For instance, leapfrogging directly to mobile and satellite communications has allowed some countries to modernize rapidly.

  • Skills Development: Training provided by TNCs equips workers with valuable skills in production, management, and technology use. This strengthens the local labor force and builds human capital, the stock of knowledge and abilities that create economic value.

  • Vocational Training: In many cases, TNCs provide vocational-style training that helps workers acquire practical skills and attitudes suited to industrial or service-based employment, making them more employable in the global economy.

Infrastructure Development

  • Investment in Infrastructure: To support operations, TNCs often fund improvements to roads, ports, communication systems, and utilities. These projects not only benefit the corporation but also enhance connectivity and economic opportunities for the wider population.

  • Capital Inflows: TNCs provide significant foreign direct investment (FDI), building factories, offices, and supply chains. Such investment injects capital into host economies, which may otherwise struggle to secure funding for large-scale development.

These benefits are real and often significant. However, critics from conflict theory and dependency theory argue that they come at a cost: labor exploitation, environmental degradation, increased inequality, and long-term dependence on wealthier nations.

Disadvantages

From a conflict theory perspective, TNCs are often seen as exploitative institutions that prioritise profit over people, contributing to inequality, environmental harm, and cultural homogenisation.

Exploitation of Labour and Inequality

  • Low Wages and Unsafe Conditions: TNCs frequently shift production to countries with lower wages, weaker regulations, and minimal enforcement of health and safety laws. This outsourcing often results in “sweatshop” conditions. The Rana Plaza factory collapse in Bangladesh, which killed over 1,100 workers producing clothes for Western retailers, remains a stark example.

  • Global Stratification: Dependency Theory and World Systems Theory argue that TNCs deepen global inequality. By extracting cheap labour and resources from low-income nations and repatriating profits to wealthy headquarters, they reinforce a cycle of dependence.

  • Reserve Army of Labour: Marxist feminists highlight how women in peripheral economies are exploited as a flexible, low-wage workforce. Concentrated in industries such as apparel and electronics, they are easily hired and fired, reflecting capitalism’s reliance on insecure labour.

  • Capital Flight and Deindustrialisation: By relocating production overseas, TNCs contribute to the decline of manufacturing in core nations. This deindustrialisation erodes stable, unionised jobs, harming working-class communities in developed economies.

Corporate Crime and Tax Avoidance

  • White-Collar and Corporate Crime: TNCs are frequently implicated in price-fixing, tax evasion, and violations of workplace safety standards. The BP Deepwater Horizon disaster in 2010, which stemmed from ignored safety protocols, exemplifies the devastating human and environmental costs of corporate crime.

  • Tax Havens and Loopholes: Wealthy corporations exploit legal loopholes to shift profits to low-tax jurisdictions, depriving states of revenue for public services. Critics argue this is a form of institutionalised exploitation that benefits the corporate elite at the expense of ordinary citizens.

  • Accountability Gaps: International human-rights law was drafted mainly to bind states. Plaintiffs harmed by a TNC’s overseas operations have therefore struggled to hold the parent company liable in its home country’s courts (Stephens, 2017).

Environmental Harm

  • Pollution and Disasters: Many TNCs base production in countries with weak environmental regulations, leading to air, water, and soil pollution. Catastrophic events such as the Bhopal chemical disaster and oil spills demonstrate the risks of prioritising profit over safety.

  • Environmental Racism: The environmental costs of TNC activity often fall disproportionately on low-income and minority communities, who lack the political or economic power to resist hazardous facilities.

  • Planned Obsolescence and Waste: Corporations in electronics and fashion practise planned obsolescence, deliberately designing products with short lifespans, which generates massive waste. Much of this e-waste ends up in developing countries, where informal recycling exposes workers to toxic materials.

Cultural and Social Impact

  • Cultural Imperialism: The global dominance of Western brands can erode local traditions and promote homogeneity. Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, and Hollywood are often cited as examples of cultural imperialism.

  • McDonaldization: According to George Ritzer, the principles of fast-food business—efficiency, predictability, calculability, and control—are spreading into education, healthcare, and other institutions, reducing creativity and human interaction.

  • Control of Ideas: Marxist theory emphasises how ruling-class ideology is maintained through control of media and information. As TNCs dominate global media industries, they wield immense power to shape public opinion and obscure the inequalities they help sustain.

Globalization Connection

TNCs are not just participants in globalization; they are its architects and its icons.

They drive it by weaving together production, labour, and capital worldwide. They symbolise it through their visible impact on inequality, culture, and the sense of a “smaller,” interconnected world.

How TNCs Drive Globalization

  1. Economic Integration and Market Expansion

    • TNCs integrate production, labour, and capital across borders, creating international trade networks and financial flows. This makes them key agents of both media globalisation and technological globalisation.

    • By investing in businesses worldwide, they spread capitalist systems and consumer markets. The global reach of brands like Coca-Cola and McDonald’s demonstrates how TNCs create shared international markets for goods and services.

  2. Creation of a Global Workforce and Production System

    • TNCs drive the New International Division of Labour by fragmenting the manufacturing process and relocating each stage to wherever the mix of costs and profits is most favourable.

    • Through outsourcing and global assembly lines, companies like Apple design in one country, source components from several, assemble in another, and market worldwide. This connects workers and corporations into global commodity chains.

    • Such strategies often result in capital flight from high-income nations, where factories close and jobs move to lower-income countries with cheaper labour.

  3. Technological and Cultural Diffusion

    • TNCs accelerate technological diffusion, introducing advanced machinery, communication systems, and infrastructure into developing economies. This transfer helps poorer nations bypass older stages of development.

    • By marketing products and media across borders, TNCs also spread cultural values and lifestyles. This often results in the Westernisation of other cultures as U.S. and European brands dominate global markets.

How TNCs Symbolise Globalization

  1. Symbols of Interconnectedness

    • The very structure of TNCs, with headquarters in one country and operations in many others, embodies the declining importance of national borders in the global economy.

    • The international journey of a product, from design to assembly to sale, symbolises the logistical and communication networks that underpin globalisation.

  2. Symbols of Power and Inequality

    • From a conflict theory perspective, TNCs represent the extreme concentration of wealth and influence in a globalised capitalist system. Some have revenues greater than the GDP of entire countries.

    • Dependency Theory and World Systems Theory view TNCs as symbols of ongoing exploitation, where core nations maintain dominance by extracting resources and cheap labour from peripheral ones. Sweatshops and maquiladoras illustrate this unequal dynamic.

  3. Symbols of Cultural Change

    • The spread of McDonald’s and similar brands has become a metaphor for McDonaldization. It describes the worldwide adoption of efficiency, predictability, and control, sometimes at the expense of creativity and cultural diversity.

    • At the same time, glocalisation shows how TNCs adapt products to local cultures, creating hybrid outcomes (such as region-specific menu items) that reflect both global and local influences.

Critical Evaluation of TNCs

The evidence on TNCs does not support a simple verdict of development versus exploitation. Recent research asks under which conditions TNC investment helps host economies and where labour problems persist. The answer depends on context.

Contemporary Research

Three bodies of evidence are especially informative, weighted here by the strength of their designs.

Does Foreign Direct Investment Raise Growth?

The strongest evidence is meta-analytic. Iamsiraroj and Ulubaşoğlu (2015) synthesised 880 estimated effects from 108 published studies.

They combined this with their own panel analysis of roughly 140 countries between 1970 and 2009. The headline finding is simple. Foreign direct investment (FDI) does raise economic growth, worldwide and in developing countries.

However, the size of the effect depends on a host country’s absorptive capacity, meaning its trade openness and financial-system depth, rather than schooling alone.

The effect is real but conditional. Countries with weak financial systems and closed trade regimes benefit least, which fits what dependency theorists would expect.

TNC Labour Practices in Global Supply Chains

Anner (2019) offers the most useful recent evidence on this question.

  • Aim: To test whether lead firms’ purchasing practices help explain why workers’ rights violations persist in Bangladesh’s garment supply chains after Rana Plaza.
  • Method: Anner combined U.S. and EU apparel-import trade data with original surveys of Bangladeshi supplier factories and workers in 2016 and 2017. He added the Labour Rights Indicators, a standardised measure of workers’ collective rights.
  • Results: Buyers imposed a price squeeze (lower prices per garment despite production costs not falling) and a sourcing squeeze (shorter lead times, volatile orders). Suppliers cut wages, overtime pay, and safety spending.
  • Conclusion: Poor conditions are not only the residue of weak host-country regulation. Lead firms’ everyday purchasing decisions actively reproduce them, a contemporary demonstration of the mechanism dependency theorists proposed.

Triangulating trade data, factory surveys, and a standardised rights index gives the study more weight than a single case. Comparing countries suggests the pattern is systemic. The causal claim remains correlational, however, because purchasing practices cannot be randomised.

Costs in the Core Economies

Autor, Dorn, and Hanson (2016) reviewed the labour-market effects of the “China shock”, the surge of low-wage manufacturing capacity abroad.

Job losses fell on specific local labour markets where exposed industries clustered. Wages and labour-force participation stayed depressed, and unemployment stayed elevated, for at least a decade.

Offsetting job gains elsewhere had not materialised. Read with Anner’s findings, this suggests relocation costs fall on specific communities at both ends of the supply chain.

Together, the strongest recent evidence supports neither a purely optimistic modernisation reading nor a purely deterministic dependency reading of TNC activity.

Limits of the Evidence

Even the strongest evidence has limits. Three problems deserve attention.

  • Definitional Vagueness: Firms differ in how much revenue, assets, and workforce lies abroad. A geocentric technology firm and an ethnocentric manufacturer with a few overseas plants are very different TNCs.
  • Causal Direction: The FDI and growth evidence is observational, so reverse causation cannot be ruled out. Growing economies may simply attract more FDI, and absorptive capacity may itself drive growth.
  • Case Selection: Rana Plaza, Bhopal, and Deepwater Horizon are real and well documented. A few catastrophes, however, are weaker evidence than systematic samples of ordinary factory conditions.

Anner’s survey approach is valuable because it examines ordinary conditions across many factories. It suggests chronic underinvestment in pay and safety is more common than rare acute disasters. Yet the two are linked: Rana Plaza arose in exactly this cost-squeezed environment.

Do Sweatshop Jobs Help Workers?

A more contested criticism targets anti-sweatshop reform. It accepts that TNC-linked factory jobs are low-paid and demanding.

It argues that trade sanctions or high minimum-wage mandates can destroy the jobs they aim to protect (Sowell, 2015, Chapter 11). The logic is simple. A wage floor above the market-clearing wage leads employers to hire fewer workers.

Proponents add that these jobs often pay more than local alternatives such as subsistence agriculture or informal work. The realistic comparison, they say, is between a sweatshop job and no formal job at all.

Critics respond that wage floors are not the only lever.

Anner’s evidence points to buyer purchasing practices, not statutory wages, as the main squeeze on pay and safety. Improving those practices need not carry the same employment risk.

Cultural Homogenisation or Glocalisation?

The cultural imperialism critique is also more contested than it first appears. Glocalisation research shows TNCs often adapt products, marketing, and even organisational structure to local tastes instead of imposing a single global template.

The result is frequently hybrid, not simply homogenising. Region-specific fast-food menus are the textbook case.

Perlmutter’s typology helps here. Ethnocentric firms export a standardised global product line, while geocentric and polycentric firms adapt products, packaging, and menus to local tastes. This complicates the picture of passive, uniform absorption of an imposed culture.

None of this refutes the basic observation. A small number of TNC-owned brands now have an unusually large footprint in global media and consumer culture, and that concentration of influence remains a legitimate concern.

How Much Power Do TNCs Hold?

Economic scale does not automatically translate into political power. Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, and Perraton (1999) organise the debate into three positions.

  • Hyperglobalists: TNCs have effectively replaced the nation-state as the main organising unit of the world economy, eroding national sovereignty in a borderless, TNC-driven marketplace.
  • Sceptics: TNC power is exaggerated. Most large firms keep a national home base, most trade stays within regional blocs, and TNCs depend on states for property rights and contract enforcement.
  • Transformationalists: State power is being reconfigured, not eclipsed. Governments keep considerable authority but must now exercise it in constant negotiation with TNCs.

The transformationalist view arguably fits the evidence best. TNCs reshape the bargaining environment, yet states still set the trade, tax, and labour-law frameworks within which TNCs operate.

How Rival Theories Read the Evidence

Each major theory handles the evidence differently.

  • Modernisation theory: It sees modernisation as helped by TNC capital, technology, and managerial knowledge. The evidence complicates this optimism: FDI’s benefit is conditional, and TNC purchasing practices can suppress wages and safety investment.
  • Dependency theory: It blames underdevelopment on exploitative integration into a TNC-dominated economy. The evidence supports its specific mechanism (buyer squeezes) more than its claim that FDI brings no net benefit.
  • World-systems theory: It refines dependency theory with a semi-periphery category. That category accommodates countries such as South Korea and Taiwan that moved between zones, which a strict dependency reading struggles to explain.

Functionalism and conflict theory are better read as rival normative starting points than rival empirical claims. Each emphasises real aspects of TNC activity: job creation and technology transfer on one side, exploitation and capital flight on the other.

Further Reading

References

Anner, M. (2019). Squeezing workers’ rights in global supply chains: Purchasing practices in the Bangladesh garment export sector in comparative perspective. Review of International Political Economy, 27(2), 320–347. https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1625426

Autor, D., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. (2016). The China shock: Learning from labor-market adjustment to large changes in trade. Annual Review of Economics, 8(1), 205–240. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041

Crotty, J., Epstein, G., & Kelly, P. (1998). Multinational corporations in the neo-liberal regime. In D. Baker, G. Epstein, & R. Pollin (Eds.), Globalization and progressive economic policy (pp. 117–143). Cambridge University Press.

Dicken, P. (2015). Global shift: Mapping the changing contours of the world economy (7th ed.). Sage.

Doob, C. M. (2014). Social inequality and social stratification in US society. Pearson Education.

Eun, C. S., & Resnick, B. G. (2014). International financial management (6th ed.). Beijing Chengxin Weiye Printing.

Fröbel, F., Heinrichs, J., & Kreye, O. (1978). The new international division of labour. Social Science Information, 17(1), 123–142. https://doi.org/10.1177/053901847801700107

George, S. (1999, March). A short history of neoliberalism. In conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World (Vol. 24, p. 26).

Gereffi, G. (1994). The organization of buyer-driven global commodity chains: How U.S. retailers shape overseas production networks. In G. Gereffi & M. Korzeniewicz (Eds.), Commodity chains and global capitalism (pp. 95–122). Praeger.

Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., & Perraton, J. (1999). Global transformations: Politics, economics and culture. Stanford University Press.

Iamsiraroj, S., & Ulubaşoğlu, M. A. (2015). Foreign direct investment and economic growth: A real relationship or wishful thinking? Economic Modelling, 51, 200–213. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.econmod.2015.08.009

McLean, J. (2004). The transnational corporation in history: Lessons for today. Indiana Law Journal, 79(2), 363–400.

Perlmutter, H. V. (2017). The tortuous evolution of the multinational corporation. In International business (pp. 117–126). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315199689-7 (Original work published 1969)

Scherer, A. G., Palazzo, G., & Baumann, D. (2006). Global rules and private actors: Toward a new role of the transnational corporation in global governance. Business Ethics Quarterly, 16(4), 505–532. https://doi.org/10.5840/beq200616446

Sowell, T. (2015). Basic economics: A common sense guide to the economy (5th ed.). Basic Books.

Stephens, B. (2017). The amorality of profit: Transnational corporations and human rights. In Human rights and corporations (pp. 21–66). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315252964-2 (Original work published 2002)

Wallerstein, I. (1974). The modern world-system. Academic Press.

Saul McLeod, PhD

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Chartered Psychologist (CPsychol)

Saul McLeod, PhD, is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.


Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology, where she contributes accessible content on psychological topics. She is also an autistic PhD student at the University of Birmingham, researching autistic camouflaging in higher education.

Ayesh Perera

Researcher

B.A, MTS, Harvard University

Ayesh Perera, a Harvard graduate, has worked as a researcher in psychology and neuroscience under Dr. Kevin Majeres at Harvard Medical School.