Rorschach Inkblot Test

Films and television have made the inkblots famous. The Rorschach itself is a genuine psychological test, in clinical use for a century.

Contrary to the popular image, it is scored from patterns across many coded responses, not from the hidden meaning of one smudge.

History

Early Life and the Klecksography Game

The Rorschach Inkblot Test was developed in 1921 by Swiss psychiatrist Hermann Rorschach (pronounced “ROAR-shock”).

He was born in Zurich in 1884 to a father who taught painting. Rorschach qualified in medicine in 1909. He began his inkblot studies around 1911 (Teles Filho, 2020).

As a boy, Hermann played a game called Klecksography: folding ink-blotted paper to make symmetrical shapes, then inventing stories about them.

His school friends nicknamed him Klecks, the German word for inkblot.

Hermann’s interest in inkblots continued into adulthood. Contrary to popular belief, the images are not simple ink blots folded onto a page and opened again.

As Rorschach himself described the starting point:

The production of such accidental forms is very simple: A few large inkblots are thrown on a piece of paper, the paper folded, and the ink spread between the two halves of the sheet (Rorschach, 1921/1942, p. 15).

Rorschach instead used his artistic skill to refine each inkblot, placing contours carefully so most people would see specific objects or images.

Asymmetrical designs were usually rejected as impossible to interpret.

Developing and Publishing the Test

Rorschach cared less about what people saw in the blots than about the perceptual process behind it.

He insisted the task was a test of perception, engaging sensation, memory, and conscious and unconscious association, not a test of imagination (Rorschach, 1921/1942).

From 1915 he worked as chief physician at the Herisau psychiatric hospital.

The work consumed him.

Between 1917 and 1920 he tested forty or more inkblots on patients there.

Hermann noticed that individuals with schizophrenia responded to the blots differently from patients with other diagnoses or disorders.

The observation stuck with him.

This made him wonder if the inkblots could be used to profile different mental disorders.

The data he eventually published drew on 288 psychiatric patients and 117 non-patient controls.

Perhaps inspired by his childhood game and his studies of Sigmund Freud’s dream symbolism, Rorschach developed a systematic way to use inkblots to assess personality.

He used the method to diagnose psychological conditions, including schizophrenia.

Rorschach settled on fifteen inkblots as the best set for revealing personality traits and began seeking a publisher in 1919.

Printing costs made it hard to find one willing to reproduce all fifteen.

Money was the obstacle.

In 1921 he found a publisher who agreed to print only ten, so he reworked his manuscript around that smaller set.

He died the following year, aged just 37, of acute peritonitis following appendicitis, less than a year after the book appeared.

Recognition came mostly after his death: a Rorschach Institute was founded in 1939 and an international Rorschach society in 1949.

Why the Rorschach Test is Unique

The Projective Hypothesis

Most personality tests are objective in that they have standard methods of administration and scoring. However, in the late 1930s, the Rorschach was classified as a projective test.

A projective test gives the respondent little external guidance.

The idea is that how someone makes sense of an ambiguous task reveals something about their own psychology. The term also applied to other personality tasks, like asking people to tell imaginative stories about ambiguous images.

These tasks forced people to reveal distinctive parts of their personality.

There is no fixed right answer.

The rationale is the projective hypothesis, articulated by Frank (1939). When people interpret ambiguous stimuli, their responses are shaped by needs, motives, emotions, and thinking patterns that often operate outside awareness.

Two qualifications matter. First, “projection” here does not simply mean the Freudian defense mechanism of projection. Even Rorschach framed the task as one of perception and organization.

What counts is not that a person sees a bat, but which features of the blot they used, and how, to arrive at “a bat.”

Second, the rationale has evolved. Contemporary interpretation leans on the idea that responses reflect stable perceptual-cognitive styles and current psychological state, not just buried conflicts (Lilienfeld, Wood, & Garb, 2000).

Again, projective tests are contrasted with objective personality tests, which refer to self-rating questionnaires.

Individuals indicate whether oral descriptions are characteristic of them using an established set of response options (i.e., true or false).

The Ten Inkblots

The test uses ten bilaterally symmetrical inkblots, each printed on its own card and always shown in the same fixed order. By colour, the set falls into three groups:

• Five achromatic cards: black and grey only (Cards I, IV, V, VI, and VII).
• Two black-and-red cards: Cards II and III, which add a splash of red.
• Three multicoloured cards: Cards VIII, IX, and X.

The shift from monochrome to colour is deliberate. Colour is emotionally arousing, so how a person handles the coloured cards is thought to say something about how they regulate emotion.

The symmetry is deliberate too. It makes the cards easier to enter into and allows responses that use pairs and reflections.

The same ten cards have been in use for a century, so they are among the most recognizable images in psychology. That familiarity raises concerns about test security when the images circulate publicly.

The Two-Phase Administration

Upon presentation of each card, the psychologist asks the client, “What might this be?”

This first stage is the free-association phase. The psychologist records each answer word for word, along with the person’s response time and how they hold or turn the card.

Once all ten cards have been shown once, the psychologist presents them a second time in the inquiry phase.

Here, the person explains which part of the blot, and which of its features, produced each earlier answer. The examiner needs this detail to code every response accurately.

The test taker projects their thoughts and feelings onto images that seem ambiguous and meaningless. The interpretation then falls within the tester’s judgment.

The mind works hard to impose meaning on an image that has none.

The sense we make of it comes entirely from within. By describing what they see, the test taker tells the examiner something about how they interpret the world.

On average, it takes about 1.5 hours to administer and score the test.

Scoring

Scoring a Rorschach response involves more than its content. The examiner also records how the person organized each answer and how well it fits the blot itself.

Scoring criteria for the test did not always agree. After Rorschach’s early death in 1922, five rival scoring systems grew up around the test.

Samuel Beck, Bruno Klopfer, Marguerite Hertz, Zygmunt Piotrowski, and the team of David Rapaport and Roy Schafer each developed their own approach. They often contradicted one another.

The systems differed on administration, coding, and interpretation (Klopfer & Davidson, 1962; Rapaport, Gill, & Schafer, 1968; Piotrowski, 1987).

Two clinicians using different systems could reach different conclusions from the same responses. That made the test hard to defend scientifically.

From the late 1960s, the American clinical psychologist John Exner set out to rescue the test. He combined the strongest elements of the rival systems into one standardized method, the Exner Comprehensive System (introduced in 1974; Exner, 2003).

Exner gathered a large normative sample and fixed a single procedure for administering, scoring, and interpreting the test.

He also put scoring on an explicitly empirical footing. This resolved much of the earlier disagreement between scorers.

The newest refinement is the Rorschach Performance Assessment System (R-PAS), introduced in 2011 (Meyer, Viglione, Mihura, Erard, & Erdberg, 2011). It keeps only the variables with the strongest research support. It also improves international norms.

R-PAS reframes the task as a measure of behavior and performance rather than a window into the unconscious. That fits a wider move to retire the labels “projective” and “objective” in favor of performance-based versus self-report tests (Meyer & Kurtz, 2006).

Content: What the Person Sees

The content refers to the name or class of objects used in the patient’s responses. Some standard contents include:

• Nature: anything weather-related or even astronomical or space-related. Including the sun, planets, water, and rainbows.
• Whole Animal: a complete animal figure. Including a bear or a bat.
• Animal Feature: an incomplete animal feature. Including the claw of a crab, a cat’s head, bat wings, and bird beaks.
• Whole Human: a complete human figure.
• Human Feature: an incomplete human form or feature. Including legs, heads, or a body with a specific part, like a person without a head.
• Fictional/Mythical Human Detail: an incomplete human figure with fictional or mythical features. Including the wings of an angel or a centaur.
• Sex: anything involving any activity of a sexual nature, sex organs, or sexual reproduction. Including intercourse or breasts.

Determinants: What Drove the Response

Determinants are one of the most complex aspects of scoring the Rorschach test.

Determinants record which features of the blot (form, movement, colour, shading, or pairs and reflections) drove a person’s response, not just what they saw. The examiner works out how each feature shaped the answer, and why.

There are five identified yet broad categories of inkblot determinants that the patient could be responding to:

1. Form
2. Movement
3. Color
4. Shading
5. Pairs & Reflections

Location: How Much of the Blot Is Used

Addressing the location of the patient’s response is another element of scoring in the Rorschach test. The “Location” refers to how much of the inkblot the patient used to depict an image.

• W: means the whole inkblot was used to depict an image.
• D: means a commonly described part of the blot was used.
• Dd: means an uncommonly described or unusual detail was used.
• S: means the white space in the background was used.

Popularity: Common vs Unusual Responses

Popularity records whether a response is one commonly given to a particular card, or an unusual one.

Each blot is scored separately, since what counts as common on one card can be rare on another.

Context matters.

Rorschach called the rarest responses, those occurring in fewer than one protocol in a hundred, original, and found them most often among patients with schizophrenia.

Animal images are the single most popular content of all, making up roughly a quarter to half of all responses.

Popularity works alongside form quality as one of the two main indicators clinicians use to judge how conventionally a person perceives.

Weiner (2003) calls this cognitive mediation, or reality testing.

A protocol thin on populars and heavy on poorly fitting responses points toward the same territory as an excess of original answers.

Perception is drifting from how most people organise the same ambiguous stimulus.

Form Quality: How Well the Response Fits

Form quality rates how well a response fits the actual shape of the blot.

A response that matches the blot’s contours is ordinary and acceptable, while one that ignores the shape is poor form quality.

In sufficient quantity, poor form quality signals distorted perception. Each response can be checked against the objective properties of the actual card rather than judged on impression alone.

Form quality is judged independently of location and content. A response can use a common, frequently seen part of the blot and still receive poor form quality if the shape it describes does not actually match that area’s contours.

Because it tracks how closely a percept fits objective stimulus properties, form quality belongs to the broader family of perception-based indices. This is exactly the kind of measure that Mihura, Meyer, Dumitrascu, and Bombel’s (2013) meta-analysis found carried the strongest empirical support, an average r = .27 against external criteria.

Rorschach Test Interpretation

Once every card has been coded, the psychologist combines all the responses into a structural summary: the full set of coded scores across the whole protocol.

Because the conclusions come from patterns across the whole set of answers, one unusual response rarely changes the overall picture.

Rorschach’s original target was schizophrenia and, more broadly, disordered thinking. This is still where the test has its strongest evidence. Beyond that, clinicians use the coded structure to make inferences about:

• Perceptual accuracy: whether the person perceives conventionally and forms percepts that fit reality.
• Thinking: how well the person organizes stimuli, and whether the thinking is illogical or bizarre.
• Affect: emotional responsiveness and control, inferred partly from how the colour cards are handled.
• Coping: stress tolerance and the resources available to manage demands.
• Self and others: self-perception and how the person represents relationships.

Organization and Form Quality

The scoring system also uses the concept of blends, which captures complex responses that draw on several features or objects at once. The psychologist rates how well-organized each response is, and how well its form quality fits the blot’s actual shape.

A blend earns credit for combining more of the blot’s properties, such as form together with movement or colour, into a single coherent percept. Length or elaborateness alone earns nothing.

A long but disorganised answer scores no higher than a short, well-integrated one.

Seeing a bear where the blot resembles a bear, for example, counts as ordinary form quality: acceptable and not especially imaginative.

Organization and form quality together feed into cognitive mediation.

Weiner (2003) uses this term for the cluster concerned with reality testing. This sits alongside information processing, stress tolerance, affect, self-perception, and interpersonal perception in the structural summary the psychologist builds from every coded response.

Reading the Full Report

Interpreting a Rorschach report is a complex process.

It requires a general knowledge of personality dynamics and considerable experience with the method.

A valid protocol typically contains somewhere in the range of fifteen to thirty individual responses across the ten cards.

A markedly shorter record limits how much the structural summary can support.

Depth suffers.

That is part of what the psychologist checks before drawing conclusions from the rest of the report.

As psychologist Irving Weiner explains, interpretation begins with the protocol’s validity and the person’s stress tolerance and resources (Weiner, 2003).

Next comes the balance between the resources available to the person and the demands placed on them.

The psychologist then turns to cognitive operations.

These are perceptual accuracy, goal orientation, self-concept, emotional control, flexibility of ideas, and relationships with others.

Some less common indices can also flag concerns like suicidal ideation or depression, though a clinical interview usually assesses these more efficiently.

Here the Rorschach’s role is to flesh out open questions, not to stand alone.

Behavior and Timing Cues

The interpretation also draws on behavior during testing, recurring or unusual themes in the responses, and patterns across the scores. A very fast response may suggest ease, while a markedly delayed one may suggest difficulty (Weiner, 2003).

That behavioral record starts at the free-association phase itself.

There, the examiner notes not just the response but its reaction time, whether the person turns or rotates the card, and any spontaneous remarks. All of this the psychologist later reads alongside the formal coded scores (Weiner, 2003).

None of these behavioral cues stand alone as evidence. A delayed response or an odd remark supplements the structural summary rather than overriding it, since the same behavior can mean different things depending on which card produced it.

Critical Evaluation: Is the Rorschach Reliable and Valid?

The Rorschach is one of the most debated tools in psychology, sitting between two extremes.

It is not the mind-reading device of popular imagination, but the evidence does not support dismissing it as worthless either.

The dispute has been sharp enough to be dubbed the “validity wars” (Garb, Wood, Lilienfeld, & Nezworski, 2005).

Clinical Illusory Correlations

An early line of criticism focused on the clinicians using the test, not the blots themselves. The blots were not on trial.

Inter-Rater Reliability

Reliability asks whether two trained scorers, using the same system, would code the same protocol the same way.

Before Exner, this question had no reliable answer.

For decades after Rorschach’s death, five rival scoring systems coded responses differently, and sometimes contradictorily. As a result, two clinicians could reach different conclusions from an identical protocol.

Exner’s Comprehensive System fixed one standardized procedure for administration, scoring, and interpretation.

Scorers agreed.

Under trained scorers using that system, published estimates of inter-rater agreement run around .88 to .90 (Parker, 1983; Rose, Kaser-Boyd, & Maloney, 2001).

This part of the debate is now widely regarded as settled.

Not so for validity.

Reliability is a necessary condition for a score to be useful, not a sufficient one.

A system can be applied with perfect consistency and still measure a construct poorly.

That is exactly the separate, unresolved question critics raise about validity.

Validity: Mixed and Contested

Good reliability does not guarantee validity. A test can be scored consistently and still measure the wrong thing.

Scoring is not the hard part.

The overall picture was mixed. Mihura et al. concluded that a blanket verdict on the Rorschach is the wrong question.

Roughly two-thirds of the system earns real support, concentrated in thinking and perception. The remaining third needs stronger evidence before clinical use.

Wood, Garb, Nezworski, Lilienfeld, and Duke (2015) took “a second look” at the same evidence and questioned some of these conclusions.

They focused on methodological issues such as sample composition, study quality, and how the primary studies were pooled. Support for several widely used indices, they argued, was weaker than proponents claimed.

The critique did not stop there.

Lilienfeld, Wood, and Garb (2000) made a related but distinct criticism.

Many Rorschach scores, they argued, fail to add useful information beyond what cheaper methods like self-report questionnaires already provide.

Contemporary Research

Replying to the Critics

The debate did not end in 2015. Mihura and colleagues went back through Wood et al.’s reanalysis study by study, checking it against the original studies, coding decisions, and inclusion criteria.

They reported coding and data errors, omitted original studies, and no inter-rater reliability for the reanalysis’s own reclassification decisions. The 2013 meta-analysis had been held to that standard (Mihura, Meyer, Bombel, & Dumitrascu, 2015).

Their original pattern still stood, they argued. Wood and colleagues were not persuaded, so the exchange remains a live disagreement about how to weigh an uneven evidence base.

Auditing the Test Manual

A related audit changed target. It examined the manual itself, not the studies.

Mihura and colleagues compared the validity evidence the Comprehensive System manual cites for individual variables against the original studies (Mihura, Bombel, Dumitrascu, Roy, & Meadows, 2018). They asked how much of that evidence was independently published and peer reviewed, rather than drawn from unpublished dissertations or proprietary data.

They also checked whether the manual’s summary of each study matched its source.

The audit adds a more basic layer to the debate. Before asking whether a score predicts anything, a user needs to know where the manual’s claim about it comes from.

That transparency concern echoes Garb’s (1999) call for stricter evidentiary standards.

Thought Disorder in Schizophrenia Subtypes

The most direct recent test of the Rorschach’s strongest claim comes from outside this exchange altogether. It targets disordered thinking, the domain the test was built to detect.

Kraepelinian schizophrenia is an older, narrower conception of the condition, marked by a chronic, deteriorating course and prominent negative symptoms.

The authors called for the same re-examination of other classic psychological tests.

The study sits closer to the sceptical end of the debate than Weiner’s (1996) confident defense. It is a reminder that thought disorder, the test’s best-supported domain, does not automatically extend to every fine diagnostic distinction.

A Balanced Verdict

Even critics of the Rorschach concede that some of its scores are genuinely useful, especially for detecting disordered thinking.

The disagreement is really about how much of the test is worth keeping, not about whether the whole enterprise is empty.

Both sides agree on that much.

Thought disorder means disorganised, illogical or bizarre thinking, most associated with schizophrenia.

Lilienfeld, Wood, and Garb (2000), among the test’s sharper critics, still credit the Rorschach with some value beyond it.

They point to a degree of use for indexing dependency and predicting treatment response.

Defenders go further.

They argue that, used appropriately by trained clinicians, the instrument shows genuine validity and clinical utility (Weiner, 1996).

The Rorschach’s best-supported uses are narrow: detecting thought disorder and perceptual accuracy.

Its broader claims about “the whole personality” rest on much weaker ground.

Both claims deserve scrutiny.

A separate, more technical worry is that the Comprehensive System’s norms can make ordinary people look more disturbed than they are.

That critique reached its widest audience in the book What’s Wrong with the Rorschach? (Wood, Nezworski, Lilienfeld, & Garb, 2003). It also argued that several celebrated Rorschach “discoveries” rest on illusory correlates and unreplicated findings.

A score is only as good as its reference group. The problem arises when the reference sample does not match the population being tested. Limited normative data for some minority and cultural groups adds fairness concerns, especially in high-stakes forensic use.

Building better international norms was one motivation behind R-PAS (Meyer et al., 2011). Norms are still catching up.

It works best as one part of a larger assessment battery, rather than as a stand-alone verdict.

Applications of the Rorschach Test

Beyond its original psychiatric setting, clinicians use the Rorschach in clinical, forensic, and educational work.

• Clinical assessment: characterizing psychosis, mood and anxiety difficulties, and personality organization, and supporting treatment planning.
• Forensic and custody evaluations: court-related work, and the test’s most controversial application.
• Educational and other settings: hospitals, schools, and clinics, usually as one part of a wider battery.

Clinical Assessment

The test helps characterize psychosis, mood and anxiety difficulties, and personality organization, and supports treatment planning.

Clinicians reach for it partly because it can tap perceptual and cognitive material, including vulnerability to psychotic-level disturbance, that a face-valid self-report questionnaire may never surface.

A person filling out a checklist can simply decline to endorse an item they recognize as revealing.

There is no obviously “right” answer.

It is also thought to resist deliberate faking better than transparent self-report questionnaires.

In one study, sex offenders who successfully minimized their psychopathology on the MMPI were still identified through their Rorschach responses.

The researchers concluded that the test “is resilient to attempts at faking good answers” (Grossman, Wasyliw, Benn, & Gyoerkoe, 2002, p. 484).

That resistance to faking makes the test a useful complement to self-report tools in a wider battery, not a replacement for them.

Forensic and Custody Evaluations

The Rorschach is also used in court-related work, including child-custody and competency evaluations.

This is its most controversial application.

Forensic conclusions can carry serious, often irreversible consequences for the people involved, and are typically argued adversarially by opposing experts.

That sharpens scrutiny of any score whose validity is contested and raises the risk of an evaluee being over-pathologised.

Garb (1999) called for a moratorium on using the Rorschach in clinical and forensic settings until its evidence base was clarified.

Not everyone agreed.

The Society for Personality Assessment (2005) responded with an official statement.

It defended the test’s reliability and validity as comparable to other widely accepted personality instruments, and endorsed its continued clinical and forensic use.

Courts and expert bodies have accordingly come to scrutinise Rorschach-based testimony closely, rather than accepting it uncritically.

Educational and Other Settings

The test also continues to be used in hospitals, schools, and clinics. Even there, a protocol is usually combined with interview, background records, and other tests rather than used as a stand-alone measure.

Rorschach vs Other Personality Tests

The Rorschach is easiest to judge beside its two nearest rivals: another classic projective test, and the objective tradition that grew up partly in reaction to it.

Feature	Rorschach	TAT	Objective inventories (such as the MMPI)
Task	Say what ten symmetrical inkblots might be	Tell a story about an ambiguous scene	Answer fixed self-report statements
Scoring	Standardized coding (Comprehensive System, R-PAS)	Varies more between clinicians and research groups	Combined by a fixed statistical formula
Emphasis	Perceptual and cognitive structure	Thematic content and interpersonal narrative	What people report about themselves

Rorschach vs the Thematic Apperception Test

The Rorschach’s closest relative is Henry Murray’s Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), developed with Christiana Morgan at Harvard in the mid-1930s.

The TAT received its full manual in 1943 (Murray, 1943).

Instead of inkblots, the TAT shows ambiguous scenes, such as a person by a window. The respondent tells a story about what is happening, what led up to it, and how it ends.

The logic is the same projective hypothesis (Frank, 1939).

A story about an ambiguous scene is assumed to draw on the storyteller’s own needs, conflicts, and ways of seeing relationships.

The TAT has lacked an equivalent of Exner’s Comprehensive System. Administration, scoring, and interpretation have varied far more between clinicians and research groups. That makes its overall standing harder to pin down (Lilienfeld, Wood, & Garb, 2000).

Where a scoring system was built and validated for one purpose, the TAT can perform well. An example is coding need for achievement. Read as a single, generically administered instrument, it stands on weaker methodological ground than the post-Exner Rorschach.

The two are best seen as complementary. The Rorschach leans toward perceptual-cognitive structure, the TAT toward thematic content and interpersonal narrative.

Projective vs Objective Assessment

The deeper rivalry is methodological.

Objective tests are structured self-report inventories, such as the MMPI, whose scores are combined by a fixed statistical formula rather than a clinician’s judgment.

The same argument runs through all high-stakes prediction. Meehl (1954) compared clinicians’ predictions with simple statistical formulas applied to similar data.

In almost every study he could find, the formula matched or beat the clinician.

Later evidence agreed. A meta-analysis of a much larger set of studies found formula-based prediction beat unstructured clinical judgment in the clear majority of comparisons (Grove et al., 2000).

The Rorschach is scored through a mix of standardized coding and clinical synthesis, not a fixed formula, so this literature sits close to home. It is part of why its harshest critics want it replaced by cheaper, statistically combined self-report measures.

Direct comparisons are more equivocal. One much-debated meta-analysis found Rorschach and MMPI validity broadly comparable overall (Parker, Hanson, & Hunsley, 1988).

That is one reason the field now often contrasts performance-based with self-report tests (Meyer & Kurtz, 2006). The useful question is which specific score, from either family, adds real predictive information for a specific clinical question.

Conclusion

The Rorschach inkblot test is not a magical window into personality, but it is not worthless either. Its value is narrow but real. It remains most useful for one purpose above all: detecting disordered thinking and psychosis, the condition Hermann Rorschach originally designed it to find.

A century after its 1921 publication, the test is still used in hospitals, schools, and courtrooms, and its validity remains a live debate among psychologists. Used alongside other assessment methods, it continues to offer insight into how a person perceives, organizes, and responds to the world.

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Weiner, I. B. (1996). Some observations on the validity of the Rorschach Inkblot Method. Psychological Assessment, 8(2), 206-213. https://doi.org/10.1037/1040-3590.8.2.206

Weiner, I. B. (2003). Principles of Rorschach interpretation. Lawrence Erlbaum.

Wood, J. M., Garb, H. N., Nezworski, M. T., Lilienfeld, S. O., & Duke, M. C. (2015). A second look at the validity of widely used Rorschach indices: Comment on Mihura, Meyer, Dumitrascu, and Bombel (2013). Psychological Bulletin, 141(1), 236-249. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036005

Wood, J. M., Nezworski, M. T., Lilienfeld, S. O., & Garb, H. N. (2003). What’s wrong with the Rorschach? Science confronts the controversial inkblot test. Jossey-Bass.

Further Information

• Mukherjee, T., & Chatterjee, S. (2019). Revisiting the Rorschach Controversy: The Rorschach Test-A Ghost of the Past or a Bearer of further promise?. SIS Journal of Projective Psychology and Mental Health, 26(2), 118-127.
• Wood, J. M., Lilienfeld, S. O., Garb, H. N., & Nezworski, M. T. (2000). The Rorschach test in clinical diagnosis: A critical review, with a backward look at Garfield (1947). Journal of Clinical Psychology, 56(3), 395-430.
• Garfield, S. L. (2000). The Rorschach test in clinical diagnosis. Journal of clinical psychology, 56(3), 387-393.
• Mihura, J. L., Meyer, G. J., Dumitrascu, N., & Bombel, G. (2013). The validity of individual Rorschach variables: Systematic reviews and meta-analyses of the comprehensive system. Psychological Bulletin, 139, 548-605.
• Garb, H. N. (1999). Call for a moratorium on the use of the Rorschach Inkblot Test in clinical and forensic settings. Assessment, 6(4), 313-317.