Primary deviance refers to the first act of rule-breaking that might go unnoticed or cause only a mild reaction from others. It doesn’t yet change how a person sees themselves or how society labels them. For example, a teenager shoplifting once might not see themselves as a criminal. The idea comes from sociologist Edwin Lemert, who distinguished it from secondary deviance, which happens when the person internalizes that deviant label.
Key Takeaways
- Definition: Primary deviance refers to the first instance of rule-breaking that may or may not attract attention or social disapproval. It does not yet affect a person’s identity or self-concept.
- Origin: The concept was introduced by sociologist Edwin Lemert, who emphasized the role of social reactions in shaping deviant behavior.
- Social Response: Reactions from formal agents like police or informal ones like family and peers determine whether the act is labeled as deviant.
- Identity Impact: At this stage, individuals do not internalize the deviant label, meaning they do not see themselves as deviant.
- Progression: When labeling and stigma lead a person to accept a deviant identity, the behavior can evolve into secondary deviance.
What is Primary Deviance?
The term primary deviance was introduced by American sociologist Edwin Lemert (1912–1996), who explored how social reactions shape deviant behavior.
Primary deviance refers to the everyday rule-breaking that nearly everyone engages in at some point -small, one-time, or harmless acts that don’t lead to serious consequences or identity changes.
Because these acts usually go unnoticed or unpunished, people continue to see themselves (and be seen by others) as normal members of society.
However, if others start to label the person as deviant and they begin to internalize that label, the process can escalate into secondary deviance – when deviance becomes part of a person’s identity or lifestyle.
Everyday Examples
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Speeding: Getting a speeding ticket is technically against the law, but it’s so common that it rarely changes how others view you—or how you view yourself.
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Cheating Once: A student who cheats on one exam might feel guilty, but as long as it doesn’t become a habit, it’s still considered primary deviance.
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Minor Youthful Mistakes: Many young people experiment with rule-breaking (like underage drinking or skipping class) without becoming “delinquents.”
In these cases, the deviant act doesn’t lead to a new identity or continued pattern of behavior.
Main Features of Primary Deviance
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One-Off or Occasional Acts: It involves isolated or infrequent acts that break rules or norms—like cheating once on a test or taking something small without paying.
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No Change in Self-Image: These acts don’t affect how people see themselves. A person who cheats once or speeds doesn’t usually think of themselves as a “bad” or “criminal” person.
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Usually No Label Attached: Society or authorities don’t formally label the person as deviant. Without that label, their identity remains unchanged.
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Still Feels Part of Society: People who commit primary deviance still feel like they belong and continue to follow most social norms.
Examples
In sociology, primary deviance refers to minor or one-time acts of rule-breaking that don’t have lasting effects on how a person sees themselves or how others see them.
The idea comes from labeling theory, which is part of the symbolic interactionist perspective.
These early acts of deviance are usually temporary, isolated, and often trivial — small moments when people bend or break social rules without becoming labeled as “bad” or “deviant.”
If a person’s behavior stops at this point, it stays as primary deviance.
They still see themselves as normal members of society, and others generally do too.
As long as society ignores or doesn’t strongly react to the behavior, the individual’s identity remains unchanged.
1. Minor Legal or Traffic Violations
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Speeding: Driving a little over the speed limit is against the law, but most people don’t see it as a serious moral issue. Getting a ticket doesn’t usually make someone feel like a “criminal.”
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Driving After a Few Drinks: Some people have admitted to driving after drinking a small amount of alcohol. It’s still a violation, but often treated as a one-off mistake rather than part of someone’s character.
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Underage Drinking: Trying alcohol before the legal age is technically illegal but is common enough that it rarely changes how a person is viewed by others.
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Illegal Gambling: Playing in an informal poker game for money might be illegal, but it’s not usually seen as a sign of deep deviance.
2. Breaking Social Rules (Informal Norms)
Primary deviance often involves breaking unwritten social rules rather than laws. These are called folkways—everyday norms about politeness or appropriateness.
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Picking Your Nose in Public: It’s socially frowned upon but harmless.
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Wearing “Inappropriate” Clothing: Wearing flip-flops to an opera or pajamas to the grocery store might earn disapproving looks but isn’t criminal.
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Talking at the Wrong Time: Listening to music during a lecture or swearing loudly in a church can draw criticism but not legal punishment.
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Social “Breaches”: Sociologist Harold Garfinkel famously had students deliberately break norms – for example:
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Sitting with strangers uninvited at a restaurant table
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Taking food from someone else’s grocery cart
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Walking to class backward
These small “experiments” showed how strongly people react when social expectations are violated.
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3. Minor Misbehavior in Youth or School
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Cheating or Skipping Class: Many students cheat once or skip a class, but this doesn’t make them “delinquents.”
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Everyday Rule-Breaking: Studies show most college students admit to some kind of rule violation—yet very few have ever been arrested or labeled as deviant.
These acts are typical examples of primary deviance because they’re isolated and don’t shape a lasting identity.
4. Petty Theft and One-Off Stealing
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Taking Office Supplies: Borrowing pens or paper from work is technically stealing but is so common that companies usually overlook it.
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Occasional Shoplifting: Someone might shoplift once for the “thrill” of getting away with it. If they aren’t caught or labeled a thief, and they stop afterward, the act remains a form of primary deviance.
Understanding the Causes of Primary Deviance
Primary deviance refers to a person’s first act of rule-breaking—a minor or one-time behavior that doesn’t yet affect how they see themselves or how others see them.
Because it happens before anyone is formally labeled “deviant” or “criminal,” the causes of primary deviance are explained by the same social and psychological factors that explain why people break rules in general.
I. Sociological Factors
(How society and social environments influence deviance)
Sociological explanations see deviance as a social problem, not a personal defect.
They suggest that people break rules because of social pressures, inequality, or learned behavior, not because they are “born bad.”
A. Functionalist and Strain Theories
(How social structure creates pressure to break rules)
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Strain and Blocked Opportunities (Merton’s Strain Theory)
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People are taught to value success—money, jobs, and respect—but not everyone has equal access to legitimate ways of achieving these goals.
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When society rewards success but limits opportunity, people may feel pressure (strain) to find other ways—sometimes illegal or deviant—to reach those goals (for example, theft or drug dealing).
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Sociologist Robert Agnew later added that strain can also come from life stressors like bullying, relationship problems, or family conflict. These experiences create anger or frustration that can lead to initial rule-breaking.
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Social Disorganization (Weak Communities)
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Social disorganization theory says that deviance is more common in communities with poverty, weak social ties, poor housing, and high turnover.
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In these neighborhoods, there’s less informal control (neighbors looking out for each other, schools enforcing norms), so crime and rule-breaking are more likely.
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It’s not that individuals are worse—it’s that social conditions make deviance more likely.
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Anomie (Normlessness – Durkheim)
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During times of rapid social change or weak community values, people can feel uncertain about what rules to follow.
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This sense of normlessness, or anomie, leads to confusion about right and wrong, making deviant acts more likely.
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B. Symbolic Interactionist Theories
(How people learn deviance through social interaction)
These theories focus on everyday relationships—how family, friends, and peers influence behavior.
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Differential Association (Sutherland)
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People learn deviant behavior from others, especially close friends or family.
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Through interaction, they pick up the attitudes, values, and techniques that make deviance seem normal or justified.
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The more time a person spends with deviant peers (especially from a young age), the more likely they are to copy that behavior.
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Social Control Theory (Hirschi)
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Most people don’t break rules because they are attached to others and fear losing their respect.
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When these bonds to society are weak, deviance becomes more likely.
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Hirschi described four key bonds that keep people conforming:
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Attachment: emotional ties to others
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Commitment: investment in conventional goals (like education or work)
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Involvement: time spent in normal activities
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Belief: acceptance of social norms
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Differential Social Control (Heimer & Matsueda)
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People’s likelihood of breaking rules depends on how they see themselves in social roles and how they anticipate others’ reactions.
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Deviance becomes more likely when someone:
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Spends time with antisocial peers
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Holds attitudes favorable to deviance
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Expects little disapproval from friends or family
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Broader factors like age, class, or gender also play a role, shaping how people learn and internalize deviant “scripts.”
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II. Psychological and Individual Factors
(How personality, upbringing, and emotions contribute)
While sociologists focus on society, psychologists look at individual traits and experiences that might make someone more likely to engage in rule-breaking.
A. Low Self-Control (Gottfredson & Hirschi)
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People with low self-control tend to act on impulse, seeking short-term pleasure instead of thinking about long-term consequences.
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This trait usually develops because of ineffective parenting – for example, when parents fail to monitor or discipline children properly.
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Such individuals are more likely to engage in risk-taking, careless, or thrill-seeking behavior, including minor acts of deviance.
B. Developmental and Personality Factors
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Personality and Parenting:
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Traits like impulsiveness or irritability can lead to deviance, often linked to poor parenting or early life stress.
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Moral Development (Kohlberg):
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Some people don’t fully develop a moral sense that considers others’ needs.
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Those stuck at the pre-conventional level focus only on avoiding punishment—so if they think they won’t get caught, they may break rules.
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If the id (instinctual drives) overpowers the superego (moral conscience), people may act out antisocial urges.
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Unresolved early childhood conflicts can also resurface as reckless or selfish behavior in adulthood.
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C. Emotional and “In-the-Moment” Factors
Sometimes deviance happens not because of deep social or psychological causes—but because of the emotional experience of the act itself.
Sociologists describe this as the “foreground” model of deviance – where people commit acts for the thrill, excitement, or rush they bring.
For example, a shoplifter may feel a “sneaky thrill” from stealing even when they could easily afford the item.
References
Becker, H. S. (1963). Outsiders (Vol. 1973). New York: Free Press.
Drew, C. (2021). 9 Examples of Primary Deviance.
Lemert, E. (1951). Primary and secondary deviation. Crime. Critical concepts in sociology, 3, 603-607.
Lemert, E. M. (1967). Human deviance, social problems, and social control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice-Hall.
Martino, L. (2017). Concepts of primary and secondary deviance.
Paternoster, R., & Iovanni, L. (1989). The labeling perspective and delinquency: An elaboration of the theory and an assessment of the evidence. Justice Quarterly, 6 (3), 359-394.
Schur, E. M. (1971). Labeling deviant behavior: Its sociological implications (pp. 18-18). New York: Harper & Row.
Thorsell, B. A., & Klemke, L. W. (1972). The labeling process: reinforcement and deterrent?. Law & Society Review, 6 (3), 393-403.